FRANKFORT, Ky. - Kentucky has the death penalty - but no firm price tag on what it costs to send a convicted felon to death row.
Sen. Gerald Neal, D-Louisville, and Rep. David Floyd, R-Bardstown, who both oppose the death penalty, have filed companion resolutions -
SCR 11 and HCR 30 - to determine the costs of administering the law. While public defenders have provided cost estimates, the lawmakers say, prosecutors have been unwilling to cooperate.
"It's irresponsible to not at least know what those costs are," Neal said, "and how they effect the bottom line of the Commonwealth."
Neal and Floyd also have filed bills to make life without parole the maximum sentence in Kentucky.
Floyd said putting a price tag on the death penalty would help appeal to the "conservative side" on the issue by focusing on the "waste" spent on what he called "a very broken system."
"I believe that it's in the hundreds of millions," Floyd said. "I think we can solidly just guesstimate $100 million since 1976 that has been essentially been wasted if you consider that only one person in all that time has been involuntarily executed."
Meanwhile, Floyd said, 52 people sentenced to death in Kentucky have had their sentences reduced or exonerated.
When the idea of a cost study was first brought up six years ago, state Attorney General Jack Conway rejected the idea, saying there is no easy way to quantify the costs. Again this week, Conway said through his spokesperson that nothing has changed. Yet, other states have managed to put a price tag on the death penalty, something Floyd said Kentuckians deserve.
"I think it's important for the people of Kentucky to know this," Floyd said, "to have that information, so that they can understand how much of our resources are being wasted on this."
The latest state to put a price on its death row cases was Washington, where earlier this month a Seattle University study found that each case cost more than $3 million, $1 million more than similar cases where the death penalty was not sought.
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Women are treated much differently than men by the criminal justice system, according to a new report detailing how and why mass incarceration is harmful to women in the U.S.
The report said nationwide, more than 190,000 women are behind bars, with the vast majority serving time in local jails.
Mike Wessler, communications director for the Prison Policy Initiative, said it includes about 29,000 women in Mississippi. He argued the system is particularly harsh toward women. One major challenge is receiving sufficient medical care.
"Women are frequently overdosed behind bars; they may have consumed drugs or alcohol at high level before they came to jail," Wessler noted. "And when they're there, the jails don't have the capacity to treat them. So, they often overdose or they detox without any assistance, and it costs them their lives."
Wessler pointed out about 82% of women who are entangled in the legal system are on probation or parole. The other 18% are in jail or prison. The Magnolia State has one of the higher incarceration rates, with more than 1,000 people per 100,000 residents behind bars.
Wessler emphasized around 58% of women who are incarcerated have minor children. Their families often cannot afford cash bail, which is one reason they are trapped in the legal system. Worse yet, he added, the women are typically the primary caregivers for their kids, which may cause their parental rights to be at risk.
"If you can't afford that, you're going to sit in jail until trial, and that can be months and months at a time, in which time you're likely to lose your job, lose your housing, lose custody of your children," Wessler outlined. "Women who are incarcerated don't make enough money to often pay that bail. The average bail in this country is about one year's salary for an incarcerated woman."
The report also echoed concerns about the stark racial disparities in locking people up. It said in Mississippi, white people are incarcerated at a rate of 386 per 100,000 residents. For Black people, the rate is 960.
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New York Gov. Kathy Hochul's five-point New York City subway safety plan is being met with backlash from some community advocates.
The plan calls for deploying National Guard troops to keep commuters safe. It comes after Mayor Eric Adams deployed an additional 1,000 police officers into the subways. Crime has heavily fluctuated on the subway since the pandemic but the moves come after a series of violent acts on several lines across boroughs.
Sala Cyril, organizer for the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, called the new plan "atrocious."
"It will increase racial profiling. It'll increase abuse. It'll increase the harassment of New Yorkers, and it won't make us safer," Cyril contended. "It creates a kind of terror in New Yorkers."
New York City police statistics show a 15% drop in crime from last year and from January to February 2024, 74 fewer crimes occurred on subways.
Cyril does not deny crime is a problem in the subway but feels there are more effective ways to create lasting results, including building more affordable housing and providing mental health services for those in need.
As a native New Yorker, Cyril believes Hochul's plan is similar to former Mayor Rudy Giuliani's "broken windows" approach to crime reduction; the strategy of addressing smaller crimes to make a bigger impact. The theory has often been challenged because crime remains in flux.
Cyril is concerned the presence of armed guards and policy alters a place of community for residents.
"People build community on the train. People feel connected to New York on the train," Cyril observed. "The kinds of things that change that are people having mental health issues, but being criminalized instead. People, you know, jumping the turnstile because they're poor and being criminalized."
Other elements of Hochul's plan include a new program bill permitting transit bans for people who've assaulted other passengers, adding new cameras to protect conductor cabs, and increasing the Subway Co-Response Outreach teams in the subway.
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A first-of-its-kind case in Johnston County could affect the futures of more than 100 people on death row in North Carolina. It's the Racial Justice Act case of Hasson Bacote.
Gretchen Engel, executive director of the Center for Death Penalty Litigation, said that what sets this hearing apart is that it's examining patterns and implications of racism in the death penalty for the entire state, rather than focusing solely on Bacote's individual case.
"This is a case that will allow the court to consider an unprecedented amount of evidence related to the question of whether the death penalty is administered fairly in North Carolina, or whether race affects who sits on the juries," she said.
Bacote was sentenced to death in 2007 for his role in a deadly robbery. Last week, Engel said, experts showed how racial disparities in jury selection disproportionately affect Black jurors across the state. This week, experts explored the history of the death penalty in North Carolina, and racism in Johnston County.
About 136 people are on death row in North Carolina; about 60% are people of color. According to the North Carolina Coalition of Alternatives to the Death Penalty, nearly half were sentenced by majority-white juries. By addressing the systemic issues that underpin capital punishment, Engel said, the evidence presented in this hearing could have far-reaching impacts.
"If the judge finds that there is discrimination across the state of North Carolina, not simply in Mr. Bacote's case," she said, "that could have implications for other people who are under sentence of death and residing on death row here in our state."
After Bacote's team presents its evidence, the state will present its case. North Carolina hasn't executed anyone since 2006 because of legal issues surrounding lethal-injection drugs. The governor is unable to schedule executions because of ongoing litigation related to the Racial Justice Act.
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