Tomorrow's Wisconsin Supreme Court election is now the most expensive judicial race in American history and a new report said ironically, one of the consequences of Supreme Court rulings is a model of reciprocity spending in elections.

Since Elon Musk spent a quarter-billion dollars to elect President Donald Trump, he has been rewarded with unprecedented powers over the federal government. Now, his sights are set on Wisconsin.

Brandon Novick, policy coordinator at the Center for Economic and Policy Research, sees it as corruption, and said it is not new. Novick pointed out it is legal, thanks to the U.S. Supreme Court's Buckley v. Valeo ruling in 1976.

"That decision was the root one that said that 'money is speech' and that people can infinitely spend in elections," Novick explained. "In Citizens United, basically the court said, 'Based on this, we're saying corporations, not just individuals, can infinitely spend in elections.'"

In an attempt to avoid the appearance of "quid pro quo" corruption, Novick noted the nation's highest court clarified unlimited spending to influence election outcomes is OK, so long as the cash is spent independently and not in coordination with a candidate's official campaign.

Billionaires are not just buying power from Republicans. Novick pointed to Reid Hoffman, who spent $17 million to get former Vice President Kamala Harris elected. He observed when Hoffman called for Federal Trade Commission Chair Lena Kahn to get the boot, Harris refused to commit to keeping Kahn in her post.

"This issue is bipartisan. The establishments of both parties are not working to solve it," Novick emphasized. "But the current Trump administration is the greatest example of blatant billionaire control bought through bribes in campaign spending."

Good-government groups have long argued in American democracy, one citizen, not one dollar, should equal one vote. Novick contended there are only two viable pathways to get money out of politics. One is the U.S. Supreme Court could overturn previous decisions, which is unlikely, since many of today's Justices were involved in Citizens United.

"The only other way to get past this is a constitutional amendment to overturn their decision and get money out of politics," Novick added. "Because if Congress just passes a law, they'll strike it down."


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The U.S. Supreme Court will consider arguments about removing spending caps between national political parties and individual candidates and watchdogs are taking a close look to see what potential outcomes would mean for states such as South Dakota.

On Monday, the nation's high court said it will hear arguments this fall. The National Republican senatorial Committee wants the court to lift restrictions on how much a political party spends on someone's campaign, if they are running for federal office.

Hilary Braseth, executive director of the nonpartisan watchdog organization OpenSecrets, said it is a big difference between the outcome of the controversial Citizens United ruling from 2010 concerning political action committees.

"Nowadays in elections, we often hear about super PACS," Braseth pointed out. "These groups are able to spend unlimited amounts, in so far, they don't directly coordinate with the candidates."

If the court sides with the plaintiffs, limits on coordinated spending would be a thing of the past. Supporters said it further advances free speech but skeptics countered it would worsen the problem with wealthy donors influencing politics. For federal races, rural states such as South Dakota have leaned more on out-of-state support. Braseth noted this case could fuel more of that activity, depending on the outcome.

Braseth suggested the dynamics of the case touch on the issue of fairness in representation. Meanwhile, the plaintiffs also argued removing restrictions would address "dark money" often associated with super PACS. However, Braseth pointed out it remains to be seen, adding there needs to be a concrete way of pulling back the curtains on campaign spending.

"We have got to have transparency around where that money is coming from, in order to maintain integrity in our governing systems," Braseth contended.

Braseth added even if it seems like "political noise," the case is worth paying attention to given how most voters feel about this broader issue.

"The one thing that both Democrats and Republicans across the U.S. can agree on is that a majority of folks think there's too much money in politics," Braseth stressed.

Pew Research Center said seven in 10 U.S. adults think there should be limits on election spending.


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Good-government groups are warning of big changes to the way federal campaigns are financed, after the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear a case initially brought by Vice President JD Vance and Republican fundraisers.

The case would affect campaigns for the presidency, as well as the House and Senate from every state, including California.

Hilary Braseth, executive director of the nonprofit watchdog organization OpenSecrets, said right now there are limits on how political parties spend campaign cash, which is why billions in undisclosed dark money currently flows to super PACS.

"What we might end up seeing is more donors now giving large sums of money directly to the parties and being able to coordinate directly with them in spending for that candidate running for federal office," Braseth explained.

The plaintiffs argued campaign donations are legally considered free speech, so current limits on the way it can be spent are unconstitutional. Right now parties can accept millions but cannot coordinate directly with the candidates' campaigns. Critics said the current rules are supposed to limit the possibility of a quid pro quo, where donors are rewarded with official action once a candidate takes office.

Braseth stressed this case could test the country's system of accountability to preserve free and fair elections.

"The one thing that both Democrats and Republicans can agree on is that there's too much money in politics," Braseth emphasized. "It's clear that there's a growing resentment on behalf of the public, in a vast majority of folks, for the amount of money."

In the 2024 presidential election, Elon Musk spent $277 million to back President Donald Trump and was later given control of the Department of Government Efficiency.


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Gov. Greg Abbott and Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick are at odds after the governor vetoed Senate Bill 3, legislation which would have banned the sale of consumable THC in Texas.

Banning products like gummies and vapes were a top priority of Patrick during the legislative session and he told lawmakers he would call a special session if a bill was not passed. Abbott vetoed the legislation just before the deadline and Patrick said he's puzzled.

"The last time I talked to the governor, in the capital before session he said don't worry about the bill," Patrick said. "He said your bill is fine. That's what he told me in front of witnesses. In fact, he asked a couple of lawyers on my staff; he said can you give me some answers I can give because when I sign this, I need some answers to give."

In a statement, Abbott said the bill was well intended but he vetoed it because it would have been challenged in court. He urged lawmakers to regulate THC like they do alcohol. THC is the active chemical in marijuana that provides users a "high."

During the legislative session many people testified they use the products to ease chronic pain and anxiety. Patrick noted he believes Abbott wants to legalize marijuana but said as long as he's lieutenant governor he will not let it happen.

"Who are we as a state?" Patrick asked. "[Do] we think we are going to attract business here if we got a bunch of people high on marijuana, at very high levels? Is that who wants to come here and build their plant here? Open up a business, move their family here? We're not Colorado, and we're not Oregon and we're not Washington State. We're Texas."

Patrick also criticized Abbott for not making his concerns known while the legislature was in session. The bill is on the agenda for a special session starting July 21.


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