AUSTIN, Texas – Los trabajadores de todo Texas están invirtiendo largas horas para ponerse al día con las exigencias de la navidad, pero algunos jamás recibirán el pago que les corresponde por ley. Hay quienes no reciben el salario mínimo, otros reciben parcialmente el pago por horas extras, y a otros sólo se les reconoce que se les debe su sueldo.

El problema del robo de salarios sucede cada mes del año en Texas, pero se agrava en la temporada navideña, cuando los trabajadores afectados trabajan más durante la época de mayor actividad en muchos negocios, pero no reciben el pago debido.

Es el caso de Héctor Guzmán López, coordinador del Instituto de Política Pública (Economic Pllicy Institute) en el South Texas Civil Rights Project (Proyecto de Derechos Civiles del Sur de Texas), quien afirma que el robo de salarios se da de varias maneras. Incluso puede llegarse hasta no pagar el sueldo mínimo, lo que es frecuente sobre todo en la industria restaurantera.

“O no se te paga el tiempo extra -lo que vemos mucho en las bodegas de aquí que importan o exportan bienes- o, lo peor en estos casos: simplemente no se te paga. Trabajas dos, tres semanas y el patrón nada más te dice ‘Después te pago’, y ese ‘después’ nunca llega.”

López dice que en algunas áreas de Texas, hasta uno de cada cinco trabajadores es víctima de algún tipo de robo de salario.

Añade que, si bien el robo de sueldo puede sucederle a cualquiera, los que corren el mayor riesgo son los trabajadores indocumentados -por eso son tan importantes los esfuerzos para concientizarles sobre los derechos del empleado.

“Necesitamos educar más a la gente que trabaja sobre las instituciones que existen para presentar reclamaciones y pelear la recuperación de sus sueldos. También necesitamos acción legislativa de nuestros congresistas en Austin y en D.C., que tomen esto más en serio.”

La ciudad de Houston ya asumió una postura el año pasado, al adoptar un ordenamiento para que la ciudad no contrate empresas involucradas en el robo de salarios. Ya se está considerando un plan similar para El Paso.

López destaca que casi siempre los trabajadores que son víctimas del robo de salario ya viven en el límite de sus necesidades económicas, y esto no hace sino hundir más a sus familias en la pobreza.

“Y no sólo a las familias, sino también a las comunidades… menos dinero para ellas, para los mercados locales y la economía local. Y nuestra filosofía es muy sencilla: Si trabajas aquí, se te debe pagar lo que marca la ley, al margen de tu condición migratoria.”

Se estima que, a nivel nacional, cada año los trabajadores pierden más de 50 billones de dólares en salarios no pagados, de acuerdo al Economic Policy Institute (Instituto de Política Económica).


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Advocates for immigrants are pushing back on a bill signed by Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds in the last few days of the legislative session, modeled on a recent, controversial Texas law.

Senate File 2340 gives local law enforcement officers and judges the authority to deport undocumented immigrants.

Erica Johnson, executive director of the Iowa Migrant Movement for Justice, argued the bill is an overreach, and said Iowa law enforcement officers are not authorized to enforce it.

"This is a pretty clear intervention into federal territory," Johnson pointed out. "U.S. immigration law is governed by federal law."

Much like the author of the Texas bill, supporters in Iowa blame the Biden administration for failing to slow illegal immigration, so the state has decided to take matters into its own hands.

Johnson contended the bill and other anti-immigrant sentiment during the just-completed legislative session target the very people Iowa, with its dwindling population, will depend on for its future workforce.

"What we need is communities that are safe, where workers have access to dignified, safe workplaces," Johnson emphasized. "The truth of what Iowa's future could be depends on immigrants and immigrant workers in our state, and unfortunately, this law could take us back, away from that possible future. "

Johnson added her organization will pursue legal ways to block the bill from taking effect in July.


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The future of Senate Bill 4 is still tangled in court challenges. It's the Texas law that would allow police to arrest people for illegally crossing the border. But groups are speaking out about the impact of "Operation Lone Star" on the youngest migrants. Governor Greg Abbott continues to bus migrant families to other states, many with young children - more than 100,000 families so far.

Robert Sanborn, CEO of Children at Risk, works to improve the quality of life for boys and girls in Texas, and contends the policy has put trauma on top of trauma.

"We never want children to be political pawns. We don't want maximum chaos on the backs of children. We want children to grow up and be assets for our community," he contended.

Sanborn points out that 2.2 million children in Texas are immigrants, and said it would be less stressful for kids if families were not bused in the middle of the night, and if they were allowed to pick their destination.

When immigrants arrive at the border, they are evaluated to determine if they're eligible for asylum.

Beatriz Zavala, clinical coordinator at El Paso-based Humanitarian Outreach for Migrant Emotional Health, or "HOME," said the children in this situation are at higher risk for mental health disorders.

"What is particularly troubling is the profound disregard for the stability and protection these families need. The impact on their mental health is undeniable. These are not just statistics. These are children, real children," she said.

As part of Operation Lone Star, families have been bused to Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia and Washington D.C. The governor has said the practice is needed to keep the Texas-Mexico border safe.


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Legislation in Albany would create the first right to counsel for people in immigration court.

The Access to Representation Act would provide immigrants the right to an attorney in their New York immigration cases, ending the tendency to represent themselves if they cannot afford one.

Estimates show a backlog of more than 330,000 immigration court cases, and fewer than half have attorneys. Studies show without legal counsel, migrants are less likely to remain in the U.S.

Marlene Galaz, director of immigrant rights policy for the New York Immigration Coalition, described what the bill would do.

"It has a six-year ramp-up to start implementing and building infrastructure," Galaz outlined. "Having a pipeline between law schools for law students to go into immigration practice, and getting to nonprofits and so on."

Galaz noted most opposition centers around the $150 million to fund the program but pointed out the total expenditure is less than 1% of the state's $229 billion budget. She added anti-immigrant rhetoric has also damaged support for the bill. Currently, it is in the state Senate Finance Committee.

The New York City Comptroller's office said enacting the bill would benefit the state financially. It could keep about 53,000 people from being deported, which would result in almost $8.5 billion in local, state and federal taxes over the next 30 years.

Galaz emphasized the influx of migrants has saturated the court system, leading to what could have been an avoidable backlog.

"I firmly believe that if these investments had been made when we first asked for them, I believe, like, three years ago, then we wouldn't be struggling," Galaz contended. "We would have had the infrastructure built to address an increase in welcoming our newest neighbors."

A Vera Institute survey showed 93% of New Yorkers across party lines and regions support access to attorneys for all people, including those in immigration court, and government-funded attorneys for them.


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