SALT LAKE CITY – Hate is a national phenomenon, but the way hate is directed varies depending on where you live, according to new research from the University of Utah.
A team of geographers mapped the patterns of active hate groups in more than 360 counties across the United States in 2014, and found that nationwide, less education, population change, ethnic diversity, poverty and conservative politics correlated with more hate groups.
But Richard Medina, assistant professor in the Department of Geography and the report's senior author, says the ways people hate are based on cultures, histories and other factors specific to different regions.
"If you look at the South, they have different racial issues, and areas along the border of the U.S. may focus on anti-immigrant issues," Medina explains. "So, you can start to see this whole map of hate that is really regionally specific."
Medina and his team focused on organized groups that target entire classes of people based on factors beyond their control - including ethnicity, gender, disability and sexual orientation.
According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, 2016 saw a near-high in the number of hate groups in the U.S.
Medina says while many people are facing uncertainty and change, those involved in hate groups believe their actions will help secure the future for the people they see as members of their tribe. He notes that fear can turn to hate – and in the worst case, violence.
"You know, the neo-Nazi, the national anti-immigrant hate, I think in a lot ways boils down to this fear of losing identity from what those people consider to be 'other' people," he observes.
Emily Nicolosi, a doctoral candidate who contributed to the study, says places that have a history of large-scale immigration, such as the East and West coasts, are more accepting of people with different backgrounds.
Nicolosi adds that, even in non-coastal regions, counties that experienced an influx of new people over a five-year period tended to have less hate.
"That goes to show that when people perhaps have a chance to interact with people who are different [from] them, that might contribute to more tolerance," she says.
The study was published in the Annals of the American Association of Geographers.
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The future of Senate Bill 4 is still tangled in court challenges. It's the Texas law that would allow police to arrest people for illegally crossing the border. But groups are speaking out about the impact of "Operation Lone Star" on the youngest migrants. Governor Greg Abbott continues to bus migrant families to other states, many with young children - more than 100,000 families so far.
Robert Sanborn, CEO of Children at Risk, works to improve the quality of life for boys and girls in Texas, and contends the policy has put trauma on top of trauma.
"We never want children to be political pawns. We don't want maximum chaos on the backs of children. We want children to grow up and be assets for our community," he contended.
Sanborn points out that 2.2 million children in Texas are immigrants, and said it would be less stressful for kids if families were not bused in the middle of the night, and if they were allowed to pick their destination.
When immigrants arrive at the border, they are evaluated to determine if they're eligible for asylum.
Beatriz Zavala, clinical coordinator at El Paso-based Humanitarian Outreach for Migrant Emotional Health, or "HOME," said the children in this situation are at higher risk for mental health disorders.
"What is particularly troubling is the profound disregard for the stability and protection these families need. The impact on their mental health is undeniable. These are not just statistics. These are children, real children," she said.
As part of Operation Lone Star, families have been bused to Chicago, Denver, Los Angeles, New York City, Philadelphia and Washington D.C. The governor has said the practice is needed to keep the Texas-Mexico border safe.
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Legislation in Albany would create the first right to counsel for people in immigration court.
The Access to Representation Act would provide immigrants the right to an attorney in their New York immigration cases, ending the tendency to represent themselves if they cannot afford one.
Estimates show a backlog of more than 330,000 immigration court cases, and fewer than half have attorneys. Studies show without legal counsel, migrants are less likely to remain in the U.S.
Marlene Galaz, director of immigrant rights policy for the New York Immigration Coalition, described what the bill would do.
"It has a six-year ramp-up to start implementing and building infrastructure," Galaz outlined. "Having a pipeline between law schools for law students to go into immigration practice, and getting to nonprofits and so on."
Galaz noted most opposition centers around the $150 million to fund the program but pointed out the total expenditure is less than 1% of the state's $229 billion budget. She added anti-immigrant rhetoric has also damaged support for the bill. Currently, it is in the state Senate Finance Committee.
The New York City Comptroller's office said enacting the bill would benefit the state financially. It could keep about 53,000 people from being deported, which would result in almost $8.5 billion in local, state and federal taxes over the next 30 years.
Galaz emphasized the influx of migrants has saturated the court system, leading to what could have been an avoidable backlog.
"I firmly believe that if these investments had been made when we first asked for them, I believe, like, three years ago, then we wouldn't be struggling," Galaz contended. "We would have had the infrastructure built to address an increase in welcoming our newest neighbors."
A Vera Institute survey showed 93% of New Yorkers across party lines and regions support access to attorneys for all people, including those in immigration court, and government-funded attorneys for them.
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Story has been updated to reflect late-night 5th Circuit Court of Appeals decision.(8:01 a.m. MST, Mar. 20, 2024)
The U.S. Supreme Court handed Texas Gov. Greg Abbott a big but temporary win Tuesday in his battle to stop the flow of migrants crossing the Texas-Mexico border.
Late Tuesday night, the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals put the law known as Senate Bill 4 on hold again. It would give state and local law enforcement the authority to arrest migrants as they cross into the U-S.
The Biden administration argued that the law would interfere with federal immigration law and is unconstitutional.
David Coale, an appellate attorney in Dallas, said if the state gets the authority to make arrests, he thinks it will move with caution.
"I think that Texas will want to make some very high-profile moves under this statute," Coale predicted. "But they also don't want to potentially expose themselves to massive civil rights liability if it turns out they're wrong."
Under SB-4, crossing the border illegally is a Class B misdemeanor, punishable by up to six months in jail. The appeals court hears oral arguments in the case today. Meanwhile, a Mexican government official said his country won't accept migrants deported under SB-4.
The Supreme Court justices did not issue a reason for allowing the law to go into effect and there's been no clear timetable for how or when Texas will start enforcing it. In 2012, the Supreme Court struck down parts of a similar law in Arizona, saying an impasse in Congress over immigration reform did not justify state intrusion.
Coale noted if the law is ultimately upheld, it would give each state the right to make its own immigration laws.
"If you give Texas a pass, you know, New York will have a different policy and California will have a policy and Montana will have a policy," Coale pointed out. "And they will not be consistent."
All six of the court's conservative justices agreed with the decision to allow the law to take effect - a ruling that, at least for now, was in effect for only a few hours.
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