The City of Charleston continues to funnel massive amounts of funding toward law enforcement.

According to a new report, since 2020, Charleston's police officers have been paid more than $9 million in overtime wages. Critics said much of the money could have gone to programs to prevent harm and increase public safety.

Sara Whitaker, criminal legal policy analyst at the West Virginia Center on Budget and Policy and the report's author, said last year, police overtime was more than $700,000 over budget.

"This means that the city has set aside more money for police overtime than the city's combined allocations for economic development, substance abuse prevention and response, the public libraries, city festivals and public art projects," Whitaker outlined.

The report showed despite the increased spending, rates of violent crime and major property crime have remained stagnant, while citations for low-level offenses, such as driving with an expired vehicle registration, have increased. This year, the City Council allocated $23 million to police officers for wages, benefits, pensions, insurance and equipment.

Whitaker pointed out the generous overtime pay partially led to a doubling of law enforcement in the city. She thinks residents should be asking questions about the cost, size and oversight of Charleston's largest agency.

"One of the interesting discoveries of our research was that Charleston has double or triple the number of police officers compared to other Appalachian cities of similar size," Whitaker noted.

The report called for shifting more funding into transitional and supportive housing, building mental health crisis response teams, and tackling gun violence with community-led intervention strategies.

Indiana lawmakers approved a bill Tuesday to eliminate judgeships in eleven mostly rural counties as part of a statewide judicial reallocation.

The Senate passed the measure 33-16, sending it back to the House for consideration. House Bill 1144 originally added judicial positions in Elkhart, Hamilton, Lawrence and Vigo counties but senators amended the bill just before a key deadline to cut one court each in Blackford, Carroll, Gibson, Greene, Jennings, Monroe, Newton, Owen, Pulaski, Rush and Scott counties. It also removes six juvenile magistrate positions in Marion County.

Sen. Jean Leising, R-Oldenburg, said her constituents were shocked by the news.

"I know there're others that wish maybe counties would have been named instead of waiting until the final day for the final meeting in appropriations to actually make that list," Leising pointed out. "That's created quite a frenzy."

State officials said the move will save nearly $750,000 in 2027 and up to $2.75 million by 2032.

Sen. Liz Brown, R-Fort Wayne, chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, pushed back against some senators who raised concerns about the timing and transparency of the amendment.

"I'm going to disagree a little bit, this caseload quote - or whatever it's called - and that was last minute, it's not," Brown stated. "They're all very much aware of this because when they come before the summer study every two years, these are the exact numbers and measurements they use when they ask us to add a court."

The House must now decide whether to accept the changes or send the bill to a conference committee.


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Criminal-justice experts say Mississippi's parole and probation systems, designed as alternatives to incarceration, are instead functioning as pipelines back to prison. The state's high revocation rates mirror national trends, where minor technical violations - such as missed appointments or unpaid fees - land thousands under supervision back behind bars each year.

Jonathan Simon, professor of law at University of California, is a national expert on parole and probation. He describes these systems as inherently flawed, offering incarcerated people the illusion of a second chance and being able to move on with their lives.

"There's many, many booby traps that can send a person spiraling, first to jail and then usually back to prison if it's for a longer period of time that makes the sentence that started all of that in some ways a never ending sentence, which is very questionable from a justice point of view," he explained.

While some advocates say parole is vital for Mississippi families and communities. Simon's assessment aligns with Mississippi's own struggles with probation and parole. The state's 2024 corrections report shows 46% of prison admissions come from revoked releases. The racial gap is stark - while Black Mississippians make up 38% of the population, they account for 63% of probation revocations and 60% of parole revocations.

Simon said this happens because a single parole caseworker - with almost no accountability - can decide for something as simple as a missed appointment.

"Should we begin the process of starting a revocation decision against them, which would keep them in jail or prison? That's often made at the level of the front-line worker, which has its advantages in terms of knowledge, but it means that these decisions are being made at a very invisible level and tend not to be subject to much review of any kind," he continued.

Simon pointed to states such as California, where limiting revocations for minor violations helped reduce incarceration, an approach aligned with Mississippi's own 2024 reforms. The state Department of Corrections' 2024 task force report shows the state has reduced technical violation revocations by 18% since 2022, although they still account for 62% of cases.


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On the heels of courtroom victories, some Minnesota prosecutors say they'll try to replicate the success in going after more businesses suspected of wage theft.

After the state bolstered its wage-theft laws, Minnesota's two biggest counties became more active with investigations.

Last week, Hennepin County announced the first criminal conviction for wage theft in state history.

Earlier this year, Ramsey County secured a guilty plea in a case filed after accusations that a contractor was failing to pay wages on time.

Anoka County Attorney Brad Johnson said he's encouraging local investigators to "train up" on this type of enforcement.

"Wage theft has impacts that trickle out into the community, in ways that are maybe not as apparent," said Johnson. "In many situations, people aren't being paid a living wage."

He suggested not being able to provide for their families hurts local economies. Other experts note the fallout strains community resources.

Labor organizations say wage theft is a common problem in construction trades, where immigrant workers are often exploited.

Johnson said preparing his team before diving into investigations is important, given the complex nature of these cases.

In these situations, Johnson said landing a successful criminal conviction is no small feat.

He said on the surface, the business activity might appear legitimate, and law enforcement has to dig deep to prove that something "fishy" is going on.

"And we're trying to show a jury and a court that it wasn't legitimate," said Johnson. "So, that's a difficulty with fraud cases - they're not like murder cases."

Meaning, the clues don't jump out at police.

Johnson added law enforcement agencies still face pressure to prioritize violent crime. So he said he's eager to steer them toward resources that'll make any wage-theft investigations run smoothly.

So they don't feel like they are putting all their time and effort that might drag out.