A una profesora de matemáticas de Texas que estudia la redistribución de distritos no le sorprende que un grupo de vigilancia electoral no partidista haya calificado el proceso de redistribución del estado con una calificación de D-menos.

Andrea Barreiro, de la Universidad Metodista del Sur, afirma que las conclusiones de Common Cause coinciden con las suyas y muestran una clara inclinación de los legisladores hacia los republicanos. Para el proyecto "Matemáticas para mapas imparciales", los investigadores de SMU crearon un millón y medio de posibles mapas de redistribución de distritos.

Barreiro afirma que el mapa aprobado por los legisladores superaba con creces el mapa más tendencioso de su grupo.

"El proceso no respondía realmente a las necesidades de los electores, hasta donde yo sé," explica Barreiro. "En realidad, no parecía que lo que el público decía sobre los mapas tuviera mucho impacto en el proceso de toma de decisiones."

Múltiples casos están en curso en los tribunales federales que impugnan los nuevos mapas del Congreso de Texas por considerarlos racialmente discriminatorios. La semana pasada, un juez de distrito de Estados Unidos ordenó al condado de Galveston que redibujara su mapa del Tribunal de Comisionados antes de este viernes (20/10) tras considerar que violaba la Ley federal del Derecho al Voto.

Dan Vicuña, director de redistribución de distritos y representación de Common Cause, dice que la solución a la manipulación extrema es el establecimiento de un sistema no partidista o una comisión con amplia representación para trazar distritos, algo que sólo existe en un puñado de estados.

"Los ciudadanos entienden que mantenerse en un distrito con una comunidad que comparte preocupaciones de todo tipo puede marcar la diferencia entre tener un defensor en los pasillos del poder... o no tenerlo," explica Vicuña.

Según datos recientes del censo, los hispanos constituyen oficialmente la mayor parte de la población de Texas -aproximadamente el 40%, pero Barreiro afirma que su influencia como votantes es escasa.

"Seguimos teniendo un voto racialmente polarizado en Texas, los votantes blancos tienden a votar de una manera y los votantes no blancos tienden al otro lado del pasillo," dice Vicuña. "Y así, los votantes no blancos tienen menos posibilidades de elegir a un candidato de su preferencia cuando están esencialmente divididos y agrupados en un número menor de distritos."

Sólo California y Massachusetts obtuvieron una A en el estudio, mientras que 17 estados se situaron en la categoría D o F.

El apoyo para este informe fue proporcionado por The Carnegie Corporation of New York.



"Los ciudadanos entienden que mantenerse en un distrito con una comunidad que comparte preocupaciones de todo tipo puede marcar la diferencia entre tener un defensor en los pasillos del poder... o no tenerlo."

Según datos recientes del censo, los hispanos constituyen oficialmente la mayor parte de la población de Texas -aproximadamente el 40 por ciento-, pero Barreiro afirma que su influencia como votantes es escasa.

"Seguimos teniendo un voto racialmente polarizado en Texas, los votantes blancos tienden a votar de una manera y los votantes no blancos tienden al otro lado del pasillo. Y asi, los votantes no blancos tienen menos posibilidades de elegir a un candidato de su preferencia cuando estan esencialmente divididos y agrupados en un numero menor de distritos."

Sólo California y Massachusetts obtuvieron una A en el estudio, mientras que 17 estados se situaron en la categoría D o F.

A una profesora de matematicas de Texas que estudia la redistribucion de distritos no le sorprende que un grupo de vigilancia electoral no partidista haya calificado el proceso de redistribucion de distritos del estado con una calificacion de D-menos. Tania Gomezdaza tiene mas informacion.

Soy Tania Gomezdaza

Contactar con Barreiro en abarreiro@mail.smu.edu y con Vicuna en el 571-218-6135. Este reportaje cuenta con el apoyo de Carnegie Corporation de Nueva York. Informe: https://www.commoncause.org/resource/charge-texas/. Matematicas para mapas imparciales: https://shorturl.at/hzBKR




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North Dakota's June 11 primary is inching closer and those running for legislative seats are trying to win over voters, including Native American candidates who are part of a movement energized by newly drawn political boundaries.

The organization North Dakota Native Vote said there are seven candidates with Indigenous roots seeking spots in the Legislature. Most are running in District 9, which was recently updated to reflect representation needs for two Native American tribes.

Natasha Gourd, a board member of North Dakota Native Vote, described them as a good mixture of candidates coming from both reservations in the area, with some running as Democrats and others as Republicans.

"We've seen an upturn in participation and just getting leadership development through Native candidates," Gourd observed.

The election wave comes after the state saw 10 Native candidates in legislative races two years ago. For her group, Gourd acknowledged the boost can be tricky because they cannot endorse everyone running. But she noted having greater assurances the areas will be represented by people from their community -- no matter if they have a different stance on certain issues -- is still a positive.

Gourd added trying to build on the momentum is also important for off-reservation districts.

"What they do at the state level, regardless of Native American people in North Dakota (being part of) federally recognized tribes, it does affect us," Gourd pointed out. "Most Natives in North Dakota do live off the reservation, so it does affect our populations."

Gourd stressed they need more Native voices at the state level speaking out about priorities within education, the housing crisis, energy issues and health care. She hopes the positive trends they're seeing inspire more civic participation among other racial and ethnic groups trying to get a seat at the policy table in North Dakota.

A new poll finds a near 20-year low in the number of voters who say they have a high interest in the 2024 election, with a majority saying they hold negative views of both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump. A group of Arizona elections officials and experts recently gathered to discuss the growing discontent with the state's current electoral landscape.

Stephen Richer, Maricopa County Recorder, said that if politicians are what he calls "single-minded seekers of re-election," he contends the state should change the political incentive structure.

"And if those incentives will change, then maybe we will be talking about more things in the Arizona Voter's Agenda and less things that are currently right now incentivized by what I still believe to be a minority, but a very passionate, very loud, and a minority that is definitely committed to acting on those issues," he said.

Richer added it is important to remember that despite Independent and unaffiliated voters being able to participate in the July 30th statewide primary, they were excluded from the state's March Presidential Preference Election, and that has caught the eye of some in the state. The bipartisan group Make Elections Fair Arizona is pushing for open primaries, but proponents of closed primaries believe they're crucial to maintaining the integrity of party ideals.

Amanda Burke, executive vice president with the non-partisan, nonprofit organization Center for the Future of Arizona, said more than half of unaffiliated voters do not feel they have leaders or candidates running who speak to the issues and causes they care about. She contends that then translates to who decides to show up at the ballot box and vote, and encourages Arizonans to imagine a different primary system if they want different outcomes.

"Otherwise we are going to continue to have some more outcomes in terms of people who are incentivized to speak to a small percentage of their base on either side who are really not representative of the larger views," she explained.

The Grand Canyon State allows voter-initiated amendments to the state constitution, but the Arizona Require Partisan Primary Elections Amendment would add the state's current primary practice to the state constitution, prohibiting future changes without another constitutional amendment. Make Elections Fair Arizona is still collecting signatures to get its measure on the November ballot.


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Wisconsin women have made progress in closing gaps when it comes to being elected to public office.

But some voices worry the movement might slow down as candidates see increasing levels of threats and harassment.

The Brennan Center for Justice recently issued findings that detail the threatening behavior those in the political arena are experiencing now.

Women were three to four times as likely as men to experience abuse targeting their gender.

Erin Vilardi, CEO and founder of the advocacy and assistance group Vote Run Lead, said this creates more unfairness in areas such as resource planning for a campaign.

"We see women candidates and incumbents right now having to pay for security," said Vilardi, "having to put in their budgets, in their campaign funds, in their line-items for their campaigns a security detail."

And Vilardi said because of the worsening climate, the threats are extending to almost all other candidates, including conservative white men.

She and other researchers called on party leaders to strongly condemn political violence. They also recommend that each state implement stronger protection for officeholders.

Vilardi said it's not just women candidates and incumbents having to deal with this behavior. Women working as top aides and political journalists are subject to more hateful rhetoric these days.

"This is something that permeates women in politics," said Vilardi, "not just for the folks that are stepping up to lead but for the ecosystem of women around them."

And if more women decide not to run or seek re-election as a result, Vilardi said this means there will be fewer opportunities for gender equality in leadership positions in state legislatures and Congress.

She urged constituents to send messages of support to women officeholders as they weigh these challenges and their political futures.

Support for this reporting was provided by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.



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