By Seth Millstein for Sentient.
Broadcast version by Nadia Ramlagan for West Virginia News Service reporting for the Sentient-Public News Service Collaboration

Since becoming the Democratic nominee for president, Vice President Kamala Harris has said little-to-nothing about her views on agriculture policy. Agriculture admittedly isn’t the flashiest of political topics — but it’s still an extremely important one that shapes millions of lives, human and animal alike. So, where exactly does Harris stand on agriculture, meat and factory farming?

Harris has had a long career. Prior to becoming vice president, she was a U.S. Senator, Attorney General of California and District Attorney of San Francisco. While a politician’s past isn’t always a perfect indicator of what they’ll do in the future, looking at her positions on agricultural matters could offer some hints as to where she stands on factory farming, meat and other agricultural issues.

How a President Can Change Food Systems

There are many ways a president can affect change in America’s food and agricultural policies.

In addition to signing or vetoing bills, the president can issue executive orders, appoint agency heads, issue agency directives and implement or suspend certain regulations. They can use the bully pulpit to try and shift public opinion, and if their party controls Congress, they can be very influential in determining which legislation lands on their desk.

“If Congress knows that a president’s priority is to work on a climate bill that includes certain values around climate smart agriculture, for example, or the prioritization of more climate-friendly diets and a shift towards plant-based eating, that’s much more likely to get pushed through,” Andrew deCoriolis, executive director of the nonprofit Farm Forward, tells Sentient. Farm Forward advocates for the end of factory farming, including in food policy.

Federal regulations are another area in which the president has significant latitude to affect food policy. For instance, under President Obama, the U.S. Department of Agriculture announced new standards for organic livestock. Under the new rules, livestock farmers would have to adhere to higher (and specifically enumerated) standards of animal welfare in order for their products to be certified as organic by the federal government.

But these new organic regulations weren’t scheduled to be implemented until after Obama left office. When Donald Trump assumed the presidency, he reversed course and had the USDA withdraw the new organic regulations before they could take effect, upsetting many animal welfare activists. Three years later, when Joe Biden became president, the USDA re-issued the Obama-era standards, and they now have the force of law.

Were she to become president, Harris would have these and many other tools at her disposal. But how would she use them? There’s no way to say for sure, but looking at the positions Harris has taken on agricultural and meat-related issues in the past might give us some clues.

Harris Helped Reinstate the Foie Gras Ban in California

Foie gras is a meat dish that’s made by force-feeding a duck or goose until its liver is engorged beyond its natural size. The animal is then killed and the bloated liver is served as a delicacy. This stomach-churning process has made foie gras controversial even among meat eaters, and in 2004, California banned the sale or production of it in the state.

This kicked off a 15-year court battle between foie gras producers and animal welfare groups, with the law repeatedly being struck down, reinstated, appealed, and so on.

In 2015, a U.S. District Court judge ruled that the ban was illegal. At this point, Harris was the Attorney General of California, and she appealed the ruling in an attempt to get the foie gras ban reinstated. She was successful, and after more back-and-forths, the Supreme Court allowed the foie gras ban to stand.

Harris Defended California’s Ban on Battery Cages

On factory farms, many egg-laying hens live their lives in battery cages — small, cramped wire enclosures that severely restrict the chickens’ mobility. Hens in battery cages have just 67 square inches of space, or less than the surface area of an 8.5 by 11 sheet of paper, and are frequently subject to harsh light 18 hours a day in order to manipulate their reproductive systems and increase egg output.

In 2008, California voters approved Proposition 2, which banned the use of battery cages in the state. Two years later, the state’s legislature expanded upon Proposition 2, and banned the in-state sale of eggs that were produced using battery cages in other states, which totally phased out battery cages by 2015.

The attorneys general of six major egg-producing states sued California to overturn the law. As with the foie gras ban, Harris’s office defended the battery cage ban, and it was ultimately allowed to stand, with the judge determining that the ban would not inflict any harm upon the residents of the other states (or any state).

Harris’s Voting Record on Animal Welfare When She Was a Senator

In 2016, Harris was elected to the U.S. Senate, and we can glean a few things about her stance on animal welfare by looking at her voting record during her time in Congress.

Over the course of her four years in the Senate, Harris co-sponsored many animal welfare initiatives, including bills to ban the possession and trade of shark fins, crack down on the painful practice of horse soring, prohibit the private ownership and sale of primates and more.

For these reasons and others, the Humane Society Legislative Fund gave Harris a perfect grade during her years in the Senate on its “Humane Scorecard,” the organization’s system for ranking elected officials’ actions on animal welfare.

Harris’s Record on Proposition 12

Harris was elected vice president in 2020. Two years earlier, however, California voters approved Proposition 12, a landmark ballot initiative that banned extreme confinement of livestock, and also banned the sale of animal products that were produced using extreme confinement in other states.

Not surprisingly, Proposition 12 was extremely unpopular with meat producers, and two industry groups — the National Pork Producers Council and the American Farm Bureau Federation — sued to overturn it. The Supreme Court ultimately upheld Proposition 12, and it’s now law in California, though the Council recently held a fly-in event in Washington, D.C. for pork farmers to lobby federal lawmakers for a “legislative fix” to Proposition 12.

Before that ruling, however, the Biden administration weighed in on the issue, and sided with the meat producers. The Solicitor General filed a brief with the Supreme Court arguing that Prop 12 should be blocked, writing that “voters in pork-producing States must determine what constitutes ‘cruel’ treatment of animals housed in those States, not voters in California.”

This was ultimately inconsequential, as the court upheld the law. At the time, however, the administration’s stance angered not only animal rights groups, but also over a dozen Democratic senators who’d signed a letter urging the administration to support the law.

As vice president, Harris was a member of the administration when it advocated against Prop 12 — though she didn’t express any position on the proposition itself, or the Biden administration’s actions against it.

It’s worth noting here that the vice president has no control over what the Solicitor General’s office does, and that the actions of a presidential administration on any given issue aren’t always an indicator of how the sitting vice president feels about that issue.

This doesn’t mean that Harris secretly supports Prop 12. It does mean, though, that she doesn’t necessarily oppose it. Sentient has reached out to the Harris campaign for clarification on her position on Prop 12, but has received no comment at the time of publication.

Debunking the False Claim That Harris Wants to Ban Red Meat

Recently, some conservatives have erroneously claimed that Harris supports banning red meat. Republican Senator and vice presidential nominee J.D. Vance said in July that Harris wants to “take away your ability to eat red meat,” and his assertion was quickly parrotted by several right-wing conspiracy websites.

This is categorically false, however. Harris has never voiced support for banning any meat, red or otherwise. She has suggested that the Dietary Guidelines for Americans (DGA), a nutritional guidance document that the USDA updates every five years, should recommend that Americans reduce their red meat consumption. But that is nowhere near a “ban” on red meat.

In fact, at the very same event in which Harris suggested changing the DGA’s recommendations, she also said that she “love[s] cheeseburgers.” On the morning Biden announced that he was dropping out of the race, Harris was reportedly cooking bacon for her nieces.

That said, she has hinted at flexitarian tendencies, and a fondness for a vegan cereal with almond milk in the morning. According to an Instagram post by Tacotarian’s co-owner Kristen Corral, Harris reportedly said when visiting the restaurant that she’s dabbling in veganism before 6 p.m. (though this quote is unconfirmed, so it very well may not be what Harris actually said).

The Bottom Line

Taking a step back, the totality of Harris’s actions on food and meat policies paint the picture of somebody who cares about animal welfare, and is willing to implement more humane policies even if it means upsetting the meat industry. This is somewhat complicated by the Biden administration’s challenge to Proposition 12, which deCoriolis calls “very disappointing.” But again, this isn’t necessarily an indicator of Harris’s views.

One thing is clear: regardless of what approach Harris would take to any number of food-related questions, it would almost certainly be more progressive and climate-focused than with former President Trump.

“It’s too early to say, but my sense is that there’d be very stark differences between what a Harris and Walz administration might do [on these issues] compared to a second Trump administration, given what we know about the first Trump administration,” deCoriolis says.


Seth Millstein wrote this article for Sentient.


get more stories like this via email

The organization Practical Farmers of Iowa is helping urban crop growers use beneficial insects to control pests, boost soil health and increase pollination.

It is part of the group's efforts to use natural resources to create healthier farms. Farmers do not like most bugs but in some cases, they can help.

Tricia Engelbrecht, a flower farmer at Engelbrecht Farm near Waverly, introduced ground beetles, lacewings and parasitic wasps into the habitat, to stay ahead of the pests that like to feed on her flowers.

"I can never get rid of pests," Engelbrecht acknowledged. "They are just part of the ecosystem. But if I could manage them, that would be very helpful to me. Like aphids, they suck the plant. They're like eating the plants. Some bugs go after the blooms."

Engelbrecht uses native "insect strips" and "beetle banks," which allow the good bugs to integrate into the habitat and keep the pests under control.

The bugs also reduce the need for chemicals, which in the end, creates healthier flowers. She admitted things do not always go as planned when she introduces good bugs, likening it to an eighth grade science project.

"It's not always foolproof," Engelbrecht pointed out. "Last year, I put all those egg sacs out. It comes on like a strip of paper to keep them off the ground. I hung it up and something ate all of the eggs. I don't know if a rodent or something came and ate all the eggs. I came the next day and everything was gone."

It was not a complete loss. Engelbrecht gets new shipments of healthy bugs every few weeks and Practical Farmers of Iowa pays for the habitats so she is getting financial help from the program, while striking a balance with Mother Nature.


get more stories like this via email

By Nina B. Elkadi for Sentient.
Broadcast version by Mark Moran for Iowa News Service reporting for the Sentient-Public News Service Collaboration

The “Got Milk?” campaign is one of the most infamous advertisements campaigns funded by the food industry. Though the images of people sporting milk mustaches were once practically ubiquitous, consumers may have difficulty pinpointing who exactly funded the project. The source was a unique agricultural marketing partnership of both industry and government commonly referred to as “checkoffs.” Today, checkoffs promote a wide range of foods — eggs and pork, and also watermelon and Hass avocados — but a growing number of critics, including farmers, are raising objections to the mandatory payment scheme. Some critics have even called for Elon Musk’s DOGE to curb checkoff programs, yet that kind of cut may not be popular, or legal.

Historically, checkoffs were a way for farmers to “self-tax” — paying a fee into a consolidated pool to market their product — University of Iowa agricultural resource economist Silvia Secchi tells Sentient. Once a voluntary practice, farmers could elect to pay into the checkoff to support their own commodity — agricultural products sold at a large scale, like corn, beef and hogs. The funds would go toward one big marketing pool, and the checkoff was to promote and provide information about the commodity rather than a particular brand — selling milk rather than DairyPure, for instance.

The first commodity checkoff was the formation of the Cotton Board in 1966, eventually institutionalized by Congress in 1996, when lawmakers officially sanctioned the use of “industry-funded, Government-supervised” commodity checkoff programs. More than a quarter-century later, checkoffs have ballooned into a combined pot of almost $1 billion supervised by the United States Department of Agriculture but operated by commodity boards. It is mandatory for producers selling cattle to pay $1 per head to the checkoff. Beef imported to the U.S. is “self-taxed” too. Ready to capitalize on the sweeping governmental changes, some farmers and farm groups are calling for a change.

Signs the Trump Administration Might Slash Checkoffs 

Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), which is moving through federal agencies slashing positions and programs, put out a call on X (formerly known as Twitter) asking for the public’s help with what to cut from the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA).

Some advocacy groups, like Farm Action, asked DOGE to investigate illegal checkoff spending on lobbying. They also penned a letter to USDA Secretary Brooke Rollins asking her to halt checkoff expenditures, which she has neither confirmed nor denied she will do.

Checkoffs were a target of Project 2025, where author Daren Bakst wrote that “Marketing orders and checkoff programs are some of the most egregious programs run by the USDA. They are, in effect, a tax — a means to compel speech — and government-blessed cartels. Instead of getting private cooperation, they are tools for industry actors to work with government to force cooperation.” Bakst called for the elimination or reduction of checkoff programs.

“That could’ve come out of the mouth of Senator Sanders or Senator Warren,” Austin Frerick, antitrust expert and author of “Barons: Money, Power, and the Corruption of America’s Food Industry,” tells Sentient. Frerick sees checkoff reform as essential. “We can’t make meaningful reforms in the American food system until we bring in the checkoffs, because they’re just too much money. They’re too much of a slush fund. They control the conversation too much.”

What Checkoff Programs Do

The goal of checkoff programs is to increase the reputation of and desire for a commodity, like beef, among consumers. Checkoffs tend to promote food made by large-scale, industrial agriculture, Secchi says; there are overwhelmingly the kinds of farms that produce most of the feed crops and meat consumed in the U.S. “If you’re the kind of farmer who is doing a lot to promote soil health on their farm, or who is really concerned about animal welfare and things like that, the checkoff doesn’t really benefit you,” she says. “The checkoff benefits the commodity, right? And the commodity, by definition, is homogeneous.”

Checkoffs also fund a hefty amount of university research. This industry-funded research is not a behind-the-scenes aspect of checkoffs, either. In fact, the USDA labels these programs under a “research & promotion” umbrella.

It’s also not an insignificant sum. According to reporting by Investigate Midwest, “between 2012 and 2022, the pork checkoff gave $17,184,763 in funding to land-grant colleges across the country. More than half went to research at Iowa State University…” In the same time period, the National Cattleman’s Beef Association gave $6.4 million and the dairy checkoff, Dairy Management Inc., gave almost $5.8 million to land-grant colleges.

How Checkoffs Can Skew Academic Research

Industry-funded research is ubiquitous in the field of agriculture. While defenders of the practice say working with conventional agriculture is a way to improve it, critics say industry-funded research ends up favoring questions of interest to industry over other research areas. And a growing body of industry-funded research is going toward messaging to defend the meat industry — like building trust in the pork industry, for instance. 

“I actually think checkoffs are the main reason why our efforts in climate change and agriculture have been largely a farce,” says Frerick. Agriculture is one of the largest contributors to climate change, responsible for around a third of all greenhouse gas emissions, most of which is driven by beef. Frerick says industry-funded research is often focused on the false solutions. “We’re getting a lot of dumb scholarship, like ethanol and airplanes and other digesters for industrial animal facilities. And as all that, to me, is being driven and led by checkoffs.”

One recent paper claims that the beef industry (via the checkoff funded National Cattlemen’s Association) “planned to obstruct efforts to shift U.S. diets to reduce emissions,” funding university research that downplayed the effects of the industry on climate change. Frerick says research is what drives hiring in academia, and some researchers may feel pressured to write favorably about the big-funders.

“If you write a bunch of articles about how you squeeze more hogs into a metal shed, you’re probably more likely to get tenure than if you are talking about the fact that Iowa has the second-highest cancer rate in America,” he says. “The structures are really, really broken right now.”

Secchi is critical of the kinds of research land grant institutions are investing in. “The research that this kind of money finances is what I call small science research that perpetuates the practices of conventional agriculture,” she says. “It basically is just increasing demand for these products without any thinking about their environmental impact [or] their human health impact in a real way.”

Some Farmers Say Checkoffs Offer Them Little

On February 25, 2025, the USDA released a radio broadcast talking up the benefits of checkoffs, telling listeners that they do not know the extent to which the checkoff touches their lives, citing campaigns like “Beef, it’s what’s for dinner,” and educational programs such as “Pork Loin Roast vs Tenderloin.” The checkoff can also support events, the host said, such as the American Lamb Board’s Lamb Jam, “a tour of cities where local restaurants feature their best bites of lamb, along with games, music and giveaways to attract audiences and potential new customers of lamb.”

But not all farmers are convinced. Iowa farmer John Gilbert wrote to Sentient that, “Check off taxes are built on a faulty premise that prices can be increased by working only on the demand side.”

He wrote that the checkoff system “went to crap” when it became mandatory, causing the revenue to “invariably [shift] to the organization’s preservation, self promotion and influence peddling.”

“The checkoffs invariably led to the commodity cartel that has a stranglehold on Iowa politics and agriculture,” he wrote.

Aaron Lehman, President of the Iowa Farmers Union, wrote to Sentient that “Commodity checkoff programs must be accountable to the needs of family farmers,” noting that the term “checkoff” implies that they should also all be voluntary, “or at the very least should have built in regular farmer elections regarding the collection of funds from farmers.”

In conversations with farmers, Frerick has heard similar complaints. For decades, he says, many farmers have vocally opposed the checkoff, feeling like “their own money is being used against them.”

DOGE As Enforcer?

When the advocacy group Farm Action took to X to blast checkoffs, they highlighted the “lack of transparency and oversight.” Yet even though Project 2025 called for the elimination, or complete reform of the program, DOGE cannot (legally) single-handedly eliminate checkoffs, Secchi says.

“I have never been a fan of the checkoffs. But I think what’s really dangerous here is to concede that the process doesn’t matter,” she says. “If they get rid of the checkoffs, that’s not good, because that’s illegal. That’s not their job to get rid of the checkoffs.”

Moreover, checkoffs are not funded by the average taxpayer, they are funded by the farmer, making the DOGE goal of saving the average taxpayer money moot.

“It is not conducive to good policy to think that eliminating the subsidies in the system we have now is going to result in good outcomes,” Secchi says. “The people who are going to survive are the people who are already big.”

Project 2025 likely targeted checkoffs because, at its core, the plan calls for less government and more free market ideology, Secchi explains. But the entire agricultural market in the U.S., as Secchi explains in a recent paper, is based on government-driven extraction of the land; things like railroads to ship pigs across the country and corn yield advancements because of land grant university research.

“This tech bro idea that the market exists in a vacuum, and it’s this ideal that we have to aspire to is really not based in any reality,” she says. “The market is created by institutions like the state.”

DOGE aside, Frerick does not believe that much is likely to change at USDA with Brooke Rollins at the helm. “Her whole career is being a hack for [corporations] and the oligarch class, so I just don’t expect her to find the light all of a sudden,” he says. “But who knows?”

Based on an initial review of the DOGE website, one contract within the Agricultural Marketing Service has been terminated. It is unclear how this might affect checkoffs.

When asked if checkoffs were on the chopping block, Rollins told Farm Journal, “That is to be determined … I have not even begun to look at those. I know we’ve got a team looking at them. We’re going to get through the next few weeks and then we’ll start evaluating.”


Nina B. Elkadi wrote this article for Sentient.


get more stories like this via email

The South Dakota region has seen some wet weather in recent days, but the entire state is still in varying levels of drought status.

That has farmers prepping for a potentially dry planting and growing season.

Data show persistent droughts have become a headache for farmers in this part of the country, even with South Dakota's long history of dry conditions.

Jim Faulstich farms in the central part of the state. After nearly losing his ranch during a devastating drought in 1976, he's learned to adapt over the years.

Faulstich said diversifying his business model by welcoming hunters has eased the pressure, as well as planting "warm season grasses."

"The warm season grasses are a lot deeper rooted," said Faulstich, "they tend to stay greener into the summer."

He said that spreads out the grazing season for livestock. And if cows are in better shape, he said that means consumers have a better beef product at the grocery store.

Faulstich said he hopes emerging farmers and ranchers embrace sustainable practices so they, too, can withstand periods of drought and help their communities thrive.

Faulstich, also vice-chair of the South Dakota Grassland Coalition, said this holistic approach to managing a healthier landscape means farmers aren't caught flat footed when weather disasters strike.

"These weather cycles have been really extreme the last few years, and we don't give up," said Faulstich. "It's just a way of life, and we have to be prepared for it."

He said improving soil quality also benefits surrounding waterways for things like outdoor recreation.

Faulstich said that's important because much of the state still struggles with water quality in lakes, rivers and streams, despite recent progress.

That overview is reflected in a recent summary from the Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources.