DENVER - Hundreds of thousands of Coloradans who have criminal records could catch a break on their job applications.
House Bill 1305 would prohibit most employers in the state from asking about criminal history on initial application forms. According to attorney Jack Regenbogen with the Colorado Center on Law and Policy, too many qualified workers end up unemployed and on public assistance because of bad decisions made in the past.
"We're talking about people that simply cannot get their foot in the door," he said. "The hope is by simply removing this barrier from the initial job application, that everyone will be in a better position to compete for jobs based on their merits."
Last year, a similar bill met resistance by some who felt the law imposed unnecessary regulations on private industry and had concerns about discrimination liability. In the new proposal, Regenbogen said, businesses still can ask about criminal histories after the first application, as well as conduct background checks, and deny jobs to anyone with a prior record.
More than 1.5 million Coloradans have criminal histories, according to state records, and 60,000 children have parents who have been incarcerated. Regenbogen said the legislation gives these applicants the opportunity to explain their circumstances. He added that removing barriers to reentry into the workforce also would be good for the local economy.
"This will result in not only more direct tax revenue being accrued to the state," he said, "but it would also reduce the burden on some of our public-assistance programs."
The state already is prohibited from asking about a person's criminal history on initial job applications. This bill would broaden that to include private businesses with four or more employees. Nine other states have adopted similar laws. HB 1305 is expected to be heard as early as this week.
The bill's text is online at leg.colorado.gov.
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In rural states such as South and North Dakota and large urban centers around the U.S., protests were held Wednesday amid fears about the first wave of moves carried out the new Trump administration. Trump's return to the White House has involved a heavy dose of controversial executive orders. And access granted to wealthy adviser Elon Musk is raising legal and ethical questions as he looks to drastically cut budgets for federal agencies or, in some cases, eliminate them. Dozens of protesters gathered at designated sites in the Dakotas.
Kelsey Brianne, an organizer aligned with the Build the Resistance movement, said her event was a response to an "attempted blitz" by Trump against the government he oversees.
"It's exhausting. These executive orders are not in any way normal," she explained.
Trump's moves include revoking affirmative-action policies and withdrawing the U.S. from the World Health Organization. The demonstrations, billed as peaceful grassroots events, are described as frustration over the lack of influential voices trying to intervene, including Democratic leaders. However, some orders have been met with lawsuits. On his social media platform, Musk has defended his work, citing the need to cut government waste.
Backlash against the right-wing policy blueprint known as Project 2025 was another common theme at these rallies. Brianne says in Michigan, they fielded requests from many rural residents to attend. She was encouraged to hear of companion protests in states with mostly rural settings, including the Dakotas, suggesting it's not an easy decision in regions where Trump is deeply popular.
"You know, that takes guts, that takes courage. And right now, what we need is courage," she continued.
Brianne added that she grew up in a conservative Christian household, and that her life experience prepared her to see these moves coming, but explained that it's not easy for a lot of people to keep up with what's happening, prompting folks like her to draw attention to any actions deemed alarming. While the protests in the Dakotas saw smaller crowds, the Michigan gathering drew hundreds of people.
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Alabama professors and students, along with the Alabama State Conference of the NAACP, have filed a federal lawsuit challenging Senate Bill 129, a law they argued restricts academic freedom and targets marginalized groups.
Alison Mollman, legal director of the ACLU of Alabama, said the law, which took effect in October, limits their ability to teach and learn about topics related to race, gender, structural inequality and social justice. She contended the vague and restrictive nature of the measure has created confusion and fear on campuses across the state, even leading to investigations of professors for teaching topics they have covered long before DEI became a prominent issue.
"These are political science, social work professors who are teaching curriculum that is understood to be reasonable and legitimate in their field," Mollman explained.
Backers believe the law prevents the promotion of political or ideological agendas in public universities and ensures state funding is not used to support programs or teachings they consider divisive or discriminatory. However, Mollman argued the law violates First Amendment protections by censoring speech, restricting access to information and controlling university funding for student organizations.
Mollman also stressed the law violates the 14th Amendment by being so vague it denies educators and students their right to due process and by intentionally discriminating against Black faculty and students, violating equal protection rights. She also pointed to other impacts, such as the Black Student Union losing its meeting space, which was turned into a food pantry, and LGBTQIA student groups losing funding and meeting spaces, adding the law's confusion has led to even more puzzling scenarios on campuses.
"There was a poster celebrating women scientists and administrators forced that poster to be taken down out of concern that it could violate SB 129," Mollman observed. "They told professors and students, 'You can put up a poster with women scientists pictured, but you can't celebrate women scientists on their own.'"
The complaint, filed Tuesday, named Gov. Kay Ivey and members of the University of Alabama Board of Trustees, including President Pro Tempore Scott Phelps, in their official capacities.
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Worker-owned cannabis cooperatives in Rhode Island are striving to help those affected by the war on drugs.
State law mandates at least six retail cannabis licenses be awarded to these co-ops, which give members a say in business operations as well as a share of profits.
Emma Karnes, organizer for the United Food and Commercial Workers Local 328, said the greatest challenge is gaining access to capital.
"The entrepreneurs in this project are by and large people without access to wealthy networks and they're up against very, very deep-pocketed corporate players," Karnes explained. "The competition is really fierce and the resources are really slim."
Karnes pointed out her union is working with other community-based groups to recruit co-op members and equip them with the resources they need. With sales of $100 million this year, Rhode Island has the nation's smallest cannabis market.
Studies have shown minorities were incarcerated for cannabis use at significantly higher rates than white people, affecting their eligibility for housing and employment. The worker co-op movement aims to ensure those affected can find job security and take ownership of cannabis legalization.
David-Allen Sumner Sr., organizer for Co-op Rhody and Break the Cycle, said it is about building generational wealth.
"With all the money that's being made, it's not being shared equally or even fairly," Sumner contended. "This is where the cooperative business model in cannabis comes into play because it is such a lucrative business."
Sumner added formerly incarcerated people like himself are learning the technical and business side of cannabis to run a successful dispensary. He stressed the worker co-op model has the potential to truly help impoverished communities and it cannot happen soon enough.
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