RALEIGH, N.C. – Saturday marks the third anniversary of the biggest exoneration in North Carolina history.

Henry McCollum and Leon Brown were declared innocent after serving more than 30 years in prison for a crime they didn't commit. Their story is chronicled in a report released Thursday by the Center for Death Penalty Litigation.

The center’s executive director Gretchen Engel explained why it's important for their story to be documented and studied.

"Thirty years on death row; it just exposes all the ways that human error can contribute at so many different stages of the capital case, and why we shouldn't be practicing the death penalty because of human error,” Engel said.

McCollum and Brown were arrested as teenagers, and both were classified as intellectually disabled. They were accused of the murder and rape of an 11-year-old girl. DNA evidence later proved that the true culprit was a serial rapist who lived next to where the girl's body was found.

Engel said this case is not an isolated incident, and the CDPL has reason to believe there are others serving time - some on death row - who were wrongfully convicted.

"It's not an anomaly by any stretch of the imagination,” she said. "We've done other reports on wrongful prosecutions where people are prosecuted with flimsy evidence. We can see this is all part of one system where human error infects so many different stages of the process."

Biological evidence exists for less than one-third of the 144 inmates serving on North Carolina's death row. Most of them were tried more than 15 years ago, before reforms were implemented to prevent the conviction of the innocent.

Both McCollum and Brown were pardoned by the governor and are seeking financial retribution in a civil lawsuit.


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Parents of students killed or injured in school-zone crosswalks are backing a measure in the Ohio General Assembly to increase the penalty from a misdemeanor to a felony.

The bill, entitled "Aspen Runnel's Law," was introduced after 15-year-old Aspen Runnels was struck and killed in a crosswalk outside Lakota East Freshman School in Butler County last year.

Aspen's mother, Christina Alcorn, said the 30-day sentence given to the driver is not enough of a deterrent for speeding in a school zone.

"We're hoping that people will start paying a little bit more attention," said Alcorn, "because we all have children in our lives - whether it's our own children, grandchildren, godchildren, nieces, nephews, whatever it may be. Almost everybody has a child in their life that they want to see come home safely."

The driver pleaded guilty to vehicular homicide in Aspen's death and was sentenced to 30 days in jail, 60 days of house arrest, probation, and community service.

The new law would make vehicular homicide in a school zone a felony, with six to 18 months in prison and fines of up to $5,000.

Alcorn is working to pass the bill with another Ohio mother, Trisha Parnell, whose daughter Maddy was struck and seriously injured in 2018 in a collision in a school zone in the same district.

Alcorn said she was shocked by how lenient the school zone penalties were compared to other types of collisions.

"We were a little baffled," said Alcorn. "Most people that we've spoken to about this have been, first of all, surprised that this wasn't already a law on the book, but also that the children in the school zone were not considered protected like a construction zone would be."

House Bill 203 awaits a hearing before the Ohio House Judiciary Committee. Alcorn said she wants tougher consequences so drivers think twice before speeding in a school zone.

"The main thing is that the charges are elevated," said Alcorn, "and that people feel a deterrent for speeding or distracted driving in school zones."

April is Distracted Driving Awareness Month. According to the National Highway Safety Administration, more than 3,200 people were killed in 2023 by distracted drivers.

This story was produced in association with Media in the Public Interest and funded in part by the George Gund Foundation.



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Indiana lawmakers approved a bill Tuesday to eliminate judgeships in eleven mostly rural counties as part of a statewide judicial reallocation.

The Senate passed the measure 33-16, sending it back to the House for consideration. House Bill 1144 originally added judicial positions in Elkhart, Hamilton, Lawrence and Vigo counties but senators amended the bill just before a key deadline to cut one court each in Blackford, Carroll, Gibson, Greene, Jennings, Monroe, Newton, Owen, Pulaski, Rush and Scott counties. It also removes six juvenile magistrate positions in Marion County.

Sen. Jean Leising, R-Oldenburg, said her constituents were shocked by the news.

"I know there're others that wish maybe counties would have been named instead of waiting until the final day for the final meeting in appropriations to actually make that list," Leising pointed out. "That's created quite a frenzy."

State officials said the move will save nearly $750,000 in 2027 and up to $2.75 million by 2032.

Sen. Liz Brown, R-Fort Wayne, chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, pushed back against some senators who raised concerns about the timing and transparency of the amendment.

"I'm going to disagree a little bit, this caseload quote - or whatever it's called - and that was last minute, it's not," Brown stated. "They're all very much aware of this because when they come before the summer study every two years, these are the exact numbers and measurements they use when they ask us to add a court."

The House must now decide whether to accept the changes or send the bill to a conference committee.


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Criminal-justice experts say Mississippi's parole and probation systems, designed as alternatives to incarceration, are instead functioning as pipelines back to prison. The state's high revocation rates mirror national trends, where minor technical violations - such as missed appointments or unpaid fees - land thousands under supervision back behind bars each year.

Jonathan Simon, professor of law at University of California, is a national expert on parole and probation. He describes these systems as inherently flawed, offering incarcerated people the illusion of a second chance and being able to move on with their lives.

"There's many, many booby traps that can send a person spiraling, first to jail and then usually back to prison if it's for a longer period of time that makes the sentence that started all of that in some ways a never ending sentence, which is very questionable from a justice point of view," he explained.

While some advocates say parole is vital for Mississippi families and communities. Simon's assessment aligns with Mississippi's own struggles with probation and parole. The state's 2024 corrections report shows 46% of prison admissions come from revoked releases. The racial gap is stark - while Black Mississippians make up 38% of the population, they account for 63% of probation revocations and 60% of parole revocations.

Simon said this happens because a single parole caseworker - with almost no accountability - can decide for something as simple as a missed appointment.

"Should we begin the process of starting a revocation decision against them, which would keep them in jail or prison? That's often made at the level of the front-line worker, which has its advantages in terms of knowledge, but it means that these decisions are being made at a very invisible level and tend not to be subject to much review of any kind," he continued.

Simon pointed to states such as California, where limiting revocations for minor violations helped reduce incarceration, an approach aligned with Mississippi's own 2024 reforms. The state Department of Corrections' 2024 task force report shows the state has reduced technical violation revocations by 18% since 2022, although they still account for 62% of cases.


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