By Katie Fleischer for Ms. Magazine.
Broadcast version by Emily Scott for Maryland News Connection reporting for the Ms. Magazine-Public News Service Collaboration

Universal basic income (UBI) was propelled into mainstream awareness during Andrew Yang's campaign for the 2020 Democratic presidential candidacy. Now, programs offering monthly cash payments to specific communities have sprung up across the country. But while the public often conflates UBI with these programs, economic justice activists warn that they have very different goals. Many anti-poverty groups agree that strategically targeted guaranteed income, not UBI, is the best path forward to ending poverty, advancing gender and racial equity and supporting low-income Americans.

In 2020, Yang's focus on UBI helped raise public awareness of the policy. His "Freedom Dividend" promised to give $1,000 per month to every American adult-"everyone from a hedge fund billionaire in New York to an impoverished single mom in West Virginia," Yang's own site explained.

For many economic justice experts, Yang's proposal raised red flags. Clearly, a monthly stipend will have an extremely different impact on people based on their level of wealth and income. But UBI doesn't take this context into account. Jeff Bezos and Bill Gates would receive the same $1,000 as every low-income young adult struggling to pay for college tuition.

On the other hand, guaranteed income is targeted at the groups that need it most. It involves monthly payments of unrestricted cash, like UBI, but takes societal and historical context into account. It's designed to be a minimum "income floor" that ensures nobody is forced to live in poverty. Because of racial and gender wealth gaps, women of color are disproportionately likely to be low-income and face systemic barriers in higher education and attaining high-paying jobs. So, guaranteed income programs like the Magnolia Mother's Trust (MMT) focus on low-income Black women to address the deeply entrenched economic inequities caused by systemic racism and sexism.

Instead of giving money equally to everyone, thus reinforcing the current system and letting women of color continue to fall behind, guaranteed income centers equity. By providing $1,000 per month for a year to Black women living in extreme poverty in Mississippi, MMT gives support to those who need it most and empowers women to invest in their families and futures.

"Our country's economic system has historically barred Black people from not just upward mobility, but basic human necessities such as water, food and shelter," explained Aisha Nyandoro, CEO of Springboard to Opportunities, which runs MMT. "Practices like redlining and discriminatory employment policies have led to the current reality of massive income and wealth gaps between people of color and their white counterparts. This work is about more than guaranteed income. It is about the shaping and nurturing of radical possibilities. Our goal is to place Black women at the center-not at the center of pain, but of pathways to plenty-so that our communities, our families, we, can do more than survive, can thrive, can be secure in a place of becoming."

By prioritizing Black women, guaranteed income has the potential to make a difference for those struggling the most, and alleviate some of the racialized disadvantages low-income people of color face. In 2021, when parents received monthly payments through the expanded child tax credit (CTC), child poverty decreased by around 30 percent, with the CTC reaching more than 61 million children.

But in January, after the six months of payments ended, low-income Black and Latino families were hit hard: The childhood poverty rate rose from 12 percent in December to 17 percent in January-and soared to over 23 percent for Latino children and 25 percent for Black children.

Like the CTC, which supports low-income parents, guaranteed income would have an intersectional impact, helping those who need it instead of giving unnecessary money to well-off Americans.

Mother of two Kimberly, who works for the state and receives guaranteed income from MMT, shared:

   "I carry a really heavy load as a single mom. There's no one else-everything is on me. So it helped ease my burden a lot when I started getting the monthly child tax credits last year. Not getting the payments anymore has definitely put a strain on my budget; there are just some things I can't afford without that extra support coming in. Overall, things have been hard. You keep working and keep going, but things never seem to change. But, being a part of the Magnolia Mother's Trust made me realize that things can change for the better. There are people out there, programs out there, that want to help mothers like me get out of a continuous cycle of poverty. It has really given me hope."

The motivations behind UBI and guaranteed income differ as well. UBI was designed to counter unemployment caused by increasing technology and automation. UBI advocates fear that automation will eventually take over industries and drive out human workers, making a basic wage a necessary replacement for most jobs. This justification primarily grew out of Silicon Valley "tech bros"-not low-income people or economic justice activists. That lack of lived experience with poverty becomes even more obvious when looking at how they plan to pay for UBI. Many proponents see UBI as a solution to the bureaucracy of America's welfare system, arguing that UBI could replace the vast majority of existing welfare programs.

Unlike UBI, guaranteed income is designed to work alongside existing welfare systems, meaning low-income people wouldn't be forced to give up the benefits they rely on. Instead, the goal of guaranteed income is explicitly anti-poverty. Offering low-income families unrestricted cash means that the recipients can make financial decisions based on what's best for their families; providing for their children and investing in their goals. MMT moms have used their monthly payments to go back to school, find stable housing, escape predatory cycles of debt and start their own businesses.

Guaranteed income recipient Annette wrote,

   "If I were able to sit down with our country's leaders, I would tell them how important a program like the Trust is. It helps low-income women like myself better ourselves. The money has helped me in pursuing a better future for me and my kids and allows me to do things that I wasn't really able to before-like going back to school. I know if I finish school I will be a better person, and I'll be a better person for my kids."

And MMT recipient and low-income mom Chephirah demonstrated how guaranteed income can help break generational cycles of poverty in marginalized communities:

   "[Guaranteed income] has helped me cover my monthly bills, and pay for things like my daughter's school books. My hope for her right now is to be the first one in our family to graduate from high school-my brothers and I all left school early. I want her to have a real high school diploma, not a GED. I want her to go to college, and to just know that whatever she wants to strive for, I'm gonna be right there behind her to support her 100 percent. You know, where I'm from, you just don't have that much hope. So seeing my daughter succeed and be motivated really inspires me."

Unlike UBI, guaranteed income is a transformational policy that puts marginalized communities first and prioritizes intersectionality and equity. When programs like MMT are designed to uplift Black women, it becomes not just an economic policy, but a form of gender and racial justice as well.

A federal guaranteed income program would reduce the systemic disadvantages women of color face in our economic system that was created by and for rich white men. And a federal policy would help all low-income Americans, especially those who face systemic barriers to financial security. As Nyandoro explained, "By centering and improving the situation for Black women, those hit with the double bind of racism and sexism, we are thereby raising the floor for us all."

Katie Fleischer wrote this article for Ms. Magazine.


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With chants of "We are the swing vote," poor and low-wage workers gathered in Washington, D.C., recently to rally and strategize ahead of the election.

The Poor People's Campaign describes itself as "a national call for moral revival," and advocates for a so-called "Third Reconstruction" which would address the crisis of poverty. Leaders cited research showing poverty is the fourth-leading cause of death nationwide.

William J. Barber II, co-chair of the Poor People's Campaign, said with more than 140 million poor and low-wage workers in the nation, empowering the group to vote is critical.

"Poor people make up 30% of the electorate now, 40% in every battleground state," Barber pointed out. "Poor people and low-wage workers are the largest swing vote in the country. Every state where the margin of victory was within 3%, poor and low-wage voters make up over 43% of the electorate."

The Campaign estimated low-income Marylanders account for about 21% of the electorate.

The rally included religious leaders, workers, and representatives of organized labor from across the nation. The Campaign believes all workers should have the right to join unions and receive equal pay for equal work. Unfair pay was highlighted by members of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA.

London Lester, a flight attendant for PSA Airlines and a member of the union, said the big carriers use subsidiaries to avoid paying fair wages.

"Most of you probably don't recognize my airline, PSA, when you fly. We fly the smaller planes under the American Eagle brand, and we're owned by American Airlines," Lester pointed out. "We wear the same uniforms, we do the same work but our corporate bosses have created 'tiers' between regional and mainline, so that they can pay a huge part of the workforce poverty wages."

While Maryland has raised the state minimum wage to $15 an hour, the living wage in the state is estimated to be $24 an hour for one person, and nearly $42 an hour for an adult with one child.

Some Missouri nonprofit groups have teamed up to help those in need in the rural southeastern part of the state.

Many households in these communities struggle to pay their electric bills, as poverty rates are 10% higher than the state average. The local electric utility provider has been criticized for not doing more to help alleviate the financial burden. In response, Renew Missouri is partnering with churches and other nonprofits to help people get signed up for state and federal energy assistance programs.

Jessica Polk Sentell, eastern director for Renew Missouri, works with the Ministerial Alliance at its food banks.

"I have been there with some literature and educational materials," Polk Sentell explained. "To help bring some education and some visibility and some outreach, to these programs that help people pay their energy bills."

She pointed out Renew Missouri's mission is to advance renewable energy and energy efficiency in the state. To be eligible for assistance, you must be a Missouri resident, a U.S. citizen or legal permanent resident. You must have no more than $3,000 in bank or retirement accounts, or investments and meet the income guidelines for your household size.

Brian Abbott, pastor of Trinity United Methodist Church in Piedmont, also serves as president of the local Ministerial Alliance. He said there are many people coming in for help and while they do their best with food banks and food trucks, it is a growing challenge.

"We don't have the resources, coming out of COVID and a lot of other things that have gone on in the last five years or so in the economy," Abbott emphasized. "It's really left a gap there for us, you know. We're telling a lot of people, 'We understand you may have a shut-off notice, but we just don't have the funds to help with that.'"

The Renew Missouri initiative is also bringing relief to under-resourced Community Action Agencies, which often struggle to connect households with resources to help pay their energy bills.


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A Legislature-backed Commission on Poverty in Massachusetts aims to address the state's historic wealth gap.

The commission will study demographic disparities and existing programs to reduce poverty over the next decade, and has been holding public hearings to gather feedback.

State Sen. Sal DiDomenico - D-Everett - said Massachusetts has the highest median wage for workers in the nation, but one of the greatest gaps between wealthy and low-income individuals.

"So we know we have much work to be done in this commission," said DiDomenico, "to bring more equity to the table when it comes to residents across the Commonwealth."

DiDomenico said it's unacceptable that roughly 70,000 Massachusetts children live in what's considered "deep poverty" - or 50% below the federal poverty level.

He said efforts to undo those numbers should be a top legislative priority.

Sixty years after the launch of President Lyndon Johnson's "War on Poverty," community action agencies in Massachusetts say data reveal which policies are most effective.

Expanded tax credits and stimulus payments were shown to help cut childhood poverty in half during the pandemic, and efforts continue to grow guaranteed basic income programs.

Laura Meisenhelter is board president of the Massachusetts Association for Community Action (MASSCAP), a coalition of more than twenty community action agencies.

She said they're responding to local needs while working for systemic change.

"We confirmed," said Meisenhelter, "both large and small changes to public policy and programs and practices can have an enormous impact."

Meisenhelter said agency staff visit clients at nursing homes, aid parents in buying Christmas gifts, and help ensure that people's basic needs such as food, clothing and diapers are met.

She said that need is increasing as the poverty line set decades ago has not kept pace with the increasing standard of living.

The Commission on Poverty's next public hearing will take place later this year in the Fall River and New Bedford area.