Following the example of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. - honored today for his civil rights work - one organization in North Carolina is finding ways to help reverse racial disparities in the state.
The Kate B. Reynolds Charitable Trust wants to change the systems that cause inequalities, and break the cycle that perpetuates poverty.
Trust President Laura Gerald said while philanthropic groups like hers traditionally try to solve racial disparities by awarding money to nonprofits, she's now taking what she calls a "systems approach" - directing resources to groups working on the root causes of those disparities in North Carolina at the local level.
"Many of whom are led by people of color or immigrant groups, to help increase the power and agency for communities experiencing poverty," said Gerald. "We invest in Legal Aid, for example, of North Carolina. We invest in the North Carolina Justice Center. We invest in the North Carolina Rural Center."
Gerald said agencies like these can have an immediate effect in the community and assist people who might otherwise fall into the poverty cycle.
The Trust awards $20 million a year to nonprofits and advocacy groups that are devoted to change at the ground level.
Gerald said racial disparities run the gamut in North Carolina, but are especially prominent in health care. She said, for instance, a Black baby born in the state is twice as likely to die as a white baby, and a Black woman is three times as likely to die in childbirth.
Gerald said she believes grassroots organizations are in the best position to help people who might otherwise be labeled 'broken.'
"But what we have determined - both here in North Carolina and frankly, across the nation," said Gerald, "is that people are often experiencing the problems that they're facing not because they're broken, but because the systems in which they're operating are broken."
She said the Trust also advocates expanding Medicaid to more North Carolina residents and investing in early childhood education to help break the cycle of poverty where it starts.
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Groups fighting for Palestinian rights are praising a new fact sheet on religious discrimination from the U.S. Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights, because of what it left out.
The document does not include a definition of antisemitism written by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance.
Former President Donald Trump issued an executive order in 2019 requiring federal agencies to consider the IHRA definition when investigating Title VI complaints of discrimination.
Lina Assi, advocacy manager for Palestine Legal, said the definition and the accompanying examples conflate criticism of the Israeli state with antisemitism.
"We mostly have seen it with shutting down events and punishing students and professors that speak about life as a Palestinian," Assi recounted. "And we believe that definition not only violates our constitutional right to free speech, but also perpetuates anti-Palestinian racism and discrimination."
In a statement, IHRA said the working definition is non-legally binding, and the organization does not track implementation of it at the state or local level. Last year, pro-Israel attorneys filed a federal discrimination complaint against University of California-Berkeley after student groups passed a bylaw pledging not to host Zionist speakers.
Assi noted last March, the student government at Arizona State University questioned an event with a pro-Palestinian poet and journalist before ultimately allowing him to speak.
"A student government committee first attempted to condition the approval of the event to say that the speaker needs to refrain from criticizing Israel," Assi pointed out. "Student government officials stated falsely that the university and the federal government had adopted IHRA and that they were required by law to adhere to the definition."
The pro-Israel Brandeis Center has called for the IHRA definition to be codified into a formal rule.
Meanwhile, 17 civil rights groups wrote to the federal government, asking for the IHRA definition to be excluded from the fact sheet.
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Lawmakers in the Commonwealth are considering legislation to ensure police use of facial-recognition technology also protects people's privacy and civil rights.
Massachusetts was one of the first states to implement restrictions on the technology as part of a sweeping police reform law in 2020. A special legislative commission, which included police and civil liberties activists, then developed even greater restrictions on use of facial-recognition software.
Kade Crockford, Technology for Liberty program director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Massachusetts, called the latest bill a 'win,' both for police and the public.
"The police can use the technology to help them solve very serious crimes," Crockford pointed out. "And the public can benefit not only from that, but also from regulations that protect our basic privacy and civil rights at the same time."
The current bill would require police to obtain a warrant to perform a facial recognition search and ensure the results of the search alone cannot be used to arrest someone or obtain a search warrant.
Facial-recognition technology can be faulty and has resulted in the false arrests and incarceration of people across the country.
A federal study found the majority of algorithms are less accurate with Black, Asian and Native American faces, while other research finds some algorithms misidentify Black women nearly 35% of the time.
Crockford argued by passing the legislation, lawmakers can prevent those types of mistakes from happening here.
"Because if they do, it would make Massachusetts a leader, not only here in the United States, but really, worldwide," Crockford asserted.
The legislation passed the House last session, but failed to get a vote in the Senate. Crockford hopes former Attorney General, now Gov. Maura Healy's previous support of the bill will improve its chances this year.
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By nearly every measure, voter fraud in U.S. elections is rare, but that isn't stopping the Texas Legislature from considering dozens of bills this session, some of which a voter rights group calls "extreme."
The Texas Republican Party has made election security one of its legislative priorities this year, with bills introduced to further restrict access to the ballot box. In contrast, Democrats are pushing legislation to expand voting access.
Texas ACLU senior attorney Matt Simpson said he believes some of the bills, including one to change the penalty for illegal voting from a misdemeanor to a felony, will create fear and intimidate people at the polls.
"If you take a step back, and you try to identify where the election fraud is that's being targeted - all of these proposals, more or less, amount to solutions in search of a problem," he said, "and Texas hasn't really had an election-fraud problem."
Following the defeat of Donald Trump by President Joe Biden in 2020, Texas' GOP-dominated Legislature approved multiple new voting restrictions including rules for voting by mail, a prohibition on drive-through and 24-hour voting, and a reduction in local initiatives meant to make it easier to vote.
One Republican proposal would create a new law-enforcement unit to prosecute election crimes, modeled after a law authorized by Florida's Republican governor. The Texas unit, to be led by state "election marshals," would prosecute election and voting crimes.
Simpson, who has monitored actions at the Capitol since 2009, isn't convinced it's needed.
"There's, like, a very small segment of Republican voters that that's a priority for," he said, "and yet we're seeing just this large number of proposals - a lot of conversation about it - and I just wonder where the mismatch is."
A 359-page audit of the 2020 election was released by the Texas secretary of state's office. It reviewed the two largest Democratic counties and two largest Republican ones and found some "irregularities," but concluded they were largely related to holding an election during a pandemic.
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