Wyoming became the first U.S. territory to give women the right to vote in 1869, half a century before the nation finally followed the Cowboy State's lead.
Kylie McCormick is a historian working to uncover the broad range of contributions made by women in the state's development. She said much of what is known today is because of the work of Grace Raymond Hebard, a University of Wyoming professor, who played an outsized role in advancing women's suffrage.
"She was an incredible cataloger of history," McCormick observed. "Her efforts to gather women's testimony and to catalog and record women's experiences across the West is really remarkable."
Hebard worked to reframe the image of Wyoming as a civilized place by marking historic places that emphasized settlers and settlement, as opposed to cowboys and frontiersmen. Hebard's writings and archival materials, which filled 87 boxes, also documented a street brawl involving Cokeville Mayor Ethel Stoner.
Hebard's second Laramie home, at 318 South 10th Street, is listed on the National Register of Historic Places as part of the University Neighborhood Historic District.
When Hebard first came to Laramie in 1891, she moved into what has become a fabled duplex near the University of Wyoming. McCormick noted Hebard's neighbors in the duplex included one of many successful women who were drawn to the state.
"Like Dr. May Preston Slossen, she was the first woman (in the nation) to earn her doctorate in the field of philosophy," McCormick noted. "She was the first woman to serve as a chaplain to a state penitentiary."
Hebard's students affectionately dubbed her half of the duplex "Old Maid's Paradise," in part because of her remarkable roommate, who was determined to carry the experience of suffrage with her when she left Wyoming.
"And then on the other side of that duplex, we have Irene Morse," McCormick outlined. "Incredible woman. She leaves Wyoming to become a medical doctor in Massachusetts. She served in World War I under the French flag, and was badly wounded with some mustard gas."
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New data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show another increase in the nation's maternal mortality rate, and a Minnesota expert says there are several underlying factors.
The report, released last week, covers data from 2021. That year, deaths of pregnant women or new mothers in the U.S. went up by nearly 40% over the previous year.
The agency says it follows gradual increases leading up to the pandemic as well.
Dr. Stephen Contag is an associate professor in the Maternal-Fetal Medicine division at the University of Minnesota Medical School. He said improved reporting is playing a role.
But he added that there are other issues at play.
"Disparities in transportation," said Contag. "Getting to health care. Or differences in the number of obstetricians or health providers that can provide that care to patients in certain parts of the country."
The findings show that Black women are especially affected by this issue. The maternal mortality rate for this population rose by nearly 70%, compared with nearly 25% for white women.
Some health experts say COVID-19 likely played a role in the 2021 spike, and that the big jump may have peaked. But there's concern the other factors will keep pressure on these rates.
The maternal death disparities have been documented in Minnesota as well. Contag said he sees hope in reversing trends, including changing how the state's Maternal Mortality Review Committee works.
The panel is now operating under a mandate.
"Now that we have that mandate," said Contag, "it's much easier to obtain the information that we need to review these cases in a fair manner."
He suggested that will lead to more recommendations that get to the root causes of these deaths.
And earlier this year, a new Minnesota law took effect, expanding postnatal care by requiring public and private health plans to cover a series of care visits for up to 12 weeks after a baby is delivered.
Two of those visits would have to involve comprehensive care.
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It's the latest chapter in West Virginia's attempt to outlaw abortion.
West Virginia Attorney General Patrick Morrisey is attempting to throw out a lawsuit against the state by GenBioPro - a pharmaceutical company that makes a generic version of the abortion medication mifepristone - according to documents filed last week.
GenBioPro's lawsuit argues that West Virginia's current abortion law violates several federal laws, including banning a drug approved the by the Food and Drug Administration.
Rachel Fey - vice president of policy and strategic partnerships with the group Power to Decide - said she hopes it doesn't signal a troubling trend, post-'Roe versus Wade.'
"Tylenol is not legal or illegal, depending on what state you're in," said Fey. "And we shouldn't be entering into an era where we're individual states get to decide what drugs are safe and effective."
House Bill 305, signed into law by Gov. Jim Justice last year, effectively bans most abortions and bars providers from using telemedicine for abortion care.
The State of West Virginia argues that while the drug is regulated by the FDA, drug makers can't tell states to expand access to the abortion pill.
The FDA approved mifepristone more than 20 years ago.
Rey pointed out that mifepristone is a critical component of abortion care, especially for people in rural regions unable to take time off work, or lack reliable transportation to another state.
"Fifty-four percent of all abortions in this country are medication abortions," said Fey. "It allows people to have abortions early in pregnancy, safely."
Women are now traveling on average three times farther to receive abortions - in some cases, hundreds of miles - according to research published last year in the Journal of the American Medical Association.
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Research explored Utah's female representation in Congress, the Legislature and concluded the state's executive branch is not where it should be.
This year, Utah ranks 40th in the nation in terms of women serving in the state Legislature, a ranking that fell from 32nd in 2020.
The report released by the Utah Women and Leadership Project at Utah State University noted no women occupy any of the state's six congressional seats in the 118th Congress.
Susan Madsen, founding director of the Utah Women and Leadership Project at Utah State University, said the data clearly depicts a lack of representation in the Beehive State. She argued when there are more equal numbers of women and men in elected roles, there is more innovation and creativity.
"We need to shake that up because men and women both need to use their voices," Madsen asserted. "What we know from the extensive research from different countries and around the United States is that really matters."
According to the research, women hold 26% of the state's legislative seats compared with the national average of just above 32%. When it comes to the state's executive-branch seats, Utah women occupy 20% of those, while the national average sits at 30%.
Madsen noted currently one woman, Deidre Henderson, serves in statewide elective office in Utah after having won her bid for lieutenant governor in 2020.
Madsen reported a slight increase was seen in the number of women as county commissioners this year. In 2023, of 78 county commissioners, 65 are men and 13 are women. She pointed out conservative states such as Utah typically see more men in what she calls "public roles" with women occupying more "private roles."
Madsen noted when girls don't see women in more public roles, they may not see the need for women to occupy those spaces of influence.
"If we really care about our society, to do the best thing we can for the people we serve, we will have more equal numbers of men and women and be more inclusive of people from different races and ethnicities and cultures," Madsen emphasized.
Madsen is pleased to see some male lawmakers within the state assembly leading key legislative efforts relating to domestic violence and sexual assault this year. She acknowledged it is the most she has ever seen step forward to be what she calls "male allies."
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