Mexico has issued a ban on importing genetically modified corn from the U.S., potentially opening a new market for American farmers.
Mexico is the second-largest importer of U.S. grown corn. The latest data from the U.S. Department of Agriculture show Mexico imported about $18.7 billion worth of American corn, or about 40% of what the U.S. exported. Now, the Mexican government is moving to ban genetically modified corn, opting for natural, organic options, much to the dismay of American ag product and fertilizer companies.
Joe Maxwell, co-founder of the group Farm Action, said the government should not be involved in deciding what other countries can import.
"We disagree with the United States government's position," Maxwell explained. "They ought to be representing a market opportunity for America's farmers that pays a premium."
Maxwell argued market opportunities would be created by Mexico's demand for more naturally grown corn, which could yield American farmers willing to grow it an additional 50 cents per bushel and as much as 75 cents more in Iowa, based on the state's soil quality for growing a specialty crop. Corn growers have continued to modify crop genetics in search of higher, more predictable yields.
Maxwell emphasized farmers deserve the right to capitalize on the opportunity, but argued the USDA is pushing back on the ban because of support from U.S. corporate farm interests who stand to profit on genetically modified crops, especially fertilizer companies, who are working to stop Mexico's ban.
"In this case, marketing Bayer-Monsanto's patented traits," Maxwell noted. "Marketing their particular chemicals when it goes against an opportunity for farmers to have access to a premium market that could pay over $80 an acre more on almost 4 million acres of U.S. corn ground."
Farm Action has submitted an application to testify before a panel discussing the trade dispute between the U.S. and Mexico created by the genetically modified corn ban.
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The last Farm Bill allocated $75 million to reduce feral hog populations around the country but this year, funding has expired, which could be a setback for Missouri farmers.
The Feral Swine Eradication Program focused on eliminating wild hogs in five states and reducing populations in six others. In Missouri, more than 12,000 feral hogs were removed in 2020 and nearly 5,000 last year, a more than 60% reduction.
Kevin Crider, outreach educator for the University of Missouri Extension, who specializes in feral hog issues, said the animals wreak havoc in farm fields.
"When they run out of food sources, or when they're just out looking for food in general, they tend to like to root up fields," Crider explained. "Especially hay fields or crop cover, or crops there on the landscape. Row crops are another big issue that we've had with them, where they go in the corn fields and such and root up the corn fields, soybean fields."
Feral hogs also carry diseases including a bacterial infection, which can be transmitted to humans and livestock. Lawmakers emphasized the future of the eradication program depends on passing new laws and getting money included in future Farm Bills.
Farmers said reducing feral hog populations has also helped restore ecosystems, improve wildlife habitats and lower the risks of vehicle collisions. Crider emphasized how the program has benefited them.
"Obviously, we are tied to the Farm Bill funding for this program," Crider acknowledged. "That would definitely affect our operation. We'll have to wait and see what the final numbers are, on what happens with that funding."
He added Missouri has a $93 billion agricultural industry. Feral hogs first got a foothold in the Show-Me State in the 1990s, when wild game hunting gained popularity.
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Advocates for small communities in Iowa are calling on state lawmakers not to pass the so-called "Cancer Gag Act," which they said would give pesticide companies immunity from lawsuits by Iowans harmed by their products.
Iowa lawmakers considered Senate File 2412 last year but ran out of time to act on it.
Caitlin Golle, Community Organizer for the advocacy group Iowa Citizens for Community Action, said lawmakers are already poised to take up a similar measure in the new session. She and the Iowa Cancer Registry think it is the wrong thing to do in a state already seeing high cancer rates.
"In 2023, the Iowa Cancer Registry reported that Iowa has the second-highest cancer rate in the country," Golle pointed out. "The National Cancer Institute reported Iowa is the only state where the rate of new cancers increased significantly from 2015 to 2019."
Pesticides often waft into the air and seep into groundwater. Golle worries giving pesticide manufacturers immunity from lawsuits will add to the problems in rural Iowa, where large animal confinement operations are already polluting ground and surface water with manure runoff. Ag companies said they apply pesticides safely and are always looking for better ways to produce meat while keeping up with consumer demand.
Golle and other grassroots advocates want to see Iowa join a growing list of states refusing to give pesticide makers like Bayer immunity from lawsuits brought by Iowans, who said they have suffered health effects from chemicals like glyphosate.
"Chemicals like glyphosate, or 'Roundup,' are known to cause cancer," Golle noted. "A study published by Frontiers in Cancer Control and Society finds that pesticides may cause cancer on a level equivalent to smoking cigarettes."
The pesticide company Bayer has four registered lobbyists in Iowa compared to other large companies with just one, if any.
Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement held a webinar late last week to mobilize people on the issue before the bill is introduced.
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In North Dakota, 2025 could be another year when the state puts out the welcome mat for the livestock industry.
Following task force recommendations, the Legislature will consider updating how much local governments can restrict feedlot operations. The panel was specifically looking at distances allowed between larger livestock sites and homes, businesses and schools.
Doug Goehring, North Dakota's agriculture commissioner, took part in the discussions and argued while the rules would be more relaxed, they are still tougher than those in other states. He said exemptions could be carved out -- moving feedlots back a bit -- by the use of an "odor modeling tool"
"It looks at prevailing winds and information that's collected from different data points, weather stations," Goehring explained. "Counties can actually look at it and determine if the setbacks that are in place are sufficient, or they could actually grant a variance."
Feedlots with large animal herds, sometimes known as concentrated animal feeding operations, are under scrutiny from environmentalists over the effects on air and water quality. State leaders say North Dakota lags behind neighboring states in animal agriculture but some projects have faced local backlash. A Senate bill, based on panel recommendations, calls for reducing the maximum setback distance by a quarter mile in most cases.
Supporters of expanding livestock output said it brings more jobs to smaller towns.
Aaron Birst, executive director of the North Dakota Association of Counties, who sat in on the task force, said it recognized the need but cautioned it cannot outweigh how a local community values quality-of-life metrics and whether they would be harmed by an industry.
"It's not even just concentrated feeding-lot operations. It's any economic development, whether it's oil activity or putting in a large Amazon station," Birst outlined. "Those all, if they want to be successful, have to have local government buy-in."
While Birst acknowledged a healthy balance is desirable, his group has yet to take a stance on the proposed changes. There were similar debates in 2023 when the Legislature narrowed the scope of corporate farm regulations. More broadly, researchers at the University of Missouri found despite what backers of large livestock operations say, their economic strengths do not stretch as far as advertised.
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